Collective Leadership

We do not believe that elected officials or electoral politics will be the source for the kind of fundamental and transformational change we need. When we set unrealistic expectations from candidates, electeds, or the electoral system, we set ourselves up for disappointment. A few of the problems: 

  • Laying claim to victories that movements did the work for

  • Electeds become the face of our movements while everyday people engaged in movements become background props

  • Reneging on promises or commitments

  • Opportunism for donations, access to power, or advancing career

  • Succumbing to pressure of opposing forces that move more freely inside electoral world

  • Succumbing to conformity of peers who do not hold transformative visions

  • Trying to resolve the conflicting needs of movements and of electoral dynamics, or between different movement priorities, as an individual


All of these dynamics work together to actually undermine mass engagement and mass politics. All power, good or bad, is ascribed to elected officials resulting in dehumanizing polarization where electeds are pedestalized and receive extreme loyalty and deference, or are villainized with extreme opposition and disposability. We cannot rely on capitalist, patriarchal, individualist approaches to our social and collective problems.

We need models of collective leadership. Elected officials committed to transformative change do have a critical role to play, but their efforts are strengthened if they are in partnership with movements. There has been increasing reference to ideas of co-governance or participatory democracy in recent times, but it has mostly meant vague references to selectively ‘consult’ with movements and communities. Any serious attempts at co-governance must have concrete structures and processes to increase participation and share decision-making.

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DRUM Beats offers three options for consideration that we hope candidates will take up:

Movement Co-governance Councils

A council made of representatives from the local organizing groups to whom an elected would regularly report to and get input from, but who would also help make collective decisions, including collectively navigating the contradictions between movement priorities and the various pressures on an elected.

Peoples Assemblies

Identifying which decisions an elected official makes that should be democratised, and should have popular participation from constituents through peoples assemblies. A strong consideration currently is “land use” decisions, which are notoriously undemocratic and susceptible to real estate money and pressures in NYC.

Movement Practice Pledge

A commitment to practices that de-center electeds, and center mass movements. These commitments are to an organic and collective dialogue around when an elected should step back, and when an elected should step up, all centered around the question of how it serves the purposes of concrete movement building.

These are not novel ideas. We draw from the legacies of Fannie Lou Hamer and the Mississippi Freedom Democratic Party, the (late) Mayor Chokwe Lumumba from Jackson (MS) and the Jackson-Kush Plan, Dick Simpson in Chicago, and the various experiments by movements across Latin America. While those contexts are very different than ours, we have an opportunity to experiment with these ideas on the local levels, and then scale them up as we learn and grow our capacities.